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History Of The ILOI...

The First Orange Association - Part 2

The Re-establishment of the Orange Institution

The formation of the Independent Orange Institution

The Magheramourne Manifesto - Part 1

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The next section called for the Nationalisation of Dublin University (Trinity College), while the next dealt with Land and Labour. It pointedly remarked that: "The landlords have used Protestant Ulster for generations for their own selfish ends, and made the Orange Institution a stepping stone to place and emolument for themselves and their families. No people suffered more at the hands of landlordism than the Protestant tenant farmers..."

 

This section went on to call for the compulsory sale of Landlord's estates to the tenant farmers if the then current voluntary scheme was not adhered to. It also called for the right of labourers to own their own cottages, while the following section called for a fairer deal for town tenants.

 

The section entitled "Ireland's Financial Burden" has usually been overlooked, which is a great pity. IT IS ONLY BY A FULL UNDERSTANDING OF THIS SECTION THAT THE REFERENCES TO IRISH PATRIOTISM AND CITIZENSHIP CAN REALLY BE APPRECIATED.

 

This pivotal section begins by complaining that Ireland was being over taxed on the scale of 10 million pounds per year. It goes on to say: "Independent Orangemen stand in the tracks of Irish reformers, such as the late Dr. Kane." (Dr Kane was a past Grand Master of Belfast and had in 1880 called for a Protestant Defence Association)

 

Dr Kane said: "It is our duty therefore ... to ask the Government to consider whether there are not other ways of KILLING HOME RULE besides ... killing at the same time the loyalty and confidence of their own followers and supporters. We point out one such way today, and this is the fair treatment of Ireland in the matter of Imperial expenditure. We want our country to be treated not as a distant dependency, but as part and parcel of the mother country and therefore as much entitled as England herself, to the share of outlay of Imperial revenue .... Let the Government take this course, and consolidate, not alienate, the loyalty of their own followers and at the same time win Irishmen generally to the side of loyalty and Imperial integrity."

 

A further quotation from Dr. Kane is given: " The time has come when they should work together heartily for the improvement of Ireland ... Ireland had contributed as fully as either England or Scotland to the greatness of our world wide empire. Why, then, should Ireland not have her full share in the wealth of that Empire? They were loyal to England, but they were loyal to Ireland also..."

 

After reading the comments above it requires willful blindness to the facts to say that the manifesto called for Home Rule! Especially when the next section opposed the reduction in the number of Irish Parliamentary seats in Westminster and called for the redrawing of boundaries to give "representation to the loyal minority more fairly proportionate to its numbers and wealth."

 

In short, THE MANIFESTO WAS CALLING FOR IRELAND TO BE A TRULY INTEGRATED PART OF THE UNITED KINGDOM. Calls in the final section for Protestant and Roman Catholic to "unite on a true basis of nationality" and for reform of the administration of the country are, therefore, to secure equal rights for Ireland as an equal part of the United Kingdom.

 

Much comment has also been made about the final sentence of the manifest which states: "Unionism I likewise a discredited creed." It should be remembered that at this time the Tory Party was known as the Unionist Party. As can be seen from the preceding paragraphs it was not the Union with Britain or the maintenance of it that the manifesto was criticising, but rather Tory policies, and especially their appeasement of the Roman Catholic Church and Nationalists.

 

Another much quoted sentence in this section is: "We consider it high time that Irish Protestants should consider their positions as Irish Citizens and their attitude towards their Roman Catholic countrymen; and that the latter should choose between nationality and sectarianism." What the manifest is calling for here was for pre partition Protestants to be Irish citizens in a totally United Kingdom of England, Ireland, Scotland and Wales. Sadly history records that their Roman Catholic countrymen were more interested in seceding from the United Kingdom to for a priest dominated sectarian republic, than in uniting with Protestants for the good of Ireland as part of the United Kingdom.

 

The manifesto, a document ahead of its, was signed by Tom Sloan M.P., Rev. D.D. Boyle (Grand Chaplain), R.L.Crawford (Imperial Grand Master) and Richard Braithwaite (Grand Secretary). Had the advice of the manifesto been followed Ireland would today have been a full, equal part and productive part of the United Kingdom.

 

Those who use the manifesto against us do so with a blatant disregard for the facts of the historical context. As for the claim that there was an alliance with the Ancient Order of Hibernians in 1906, this claim has absolutely no historical evidence to support it! It is a blatant lie!

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The Magheramourne Manifesto - Part 2

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In 1685 James II, Charles II's brother, became King of England. Charles's reign, 1660 -1685, was short and wicked in that it was arbitrary. No one knew whether he was a Roman Catholic or not. His brother was different in many respects as lately he had shown Romish tendencies. The people, being staunch Protestants, had fears and doubts about the new King. Their fears, however, were dispelled by a speech which James made less than an hour after Charles's death. In that speech he said: " I will make it my endeavour to preserve this government both in church and state as it is by law now established." Time tests all things, and it did in the case of James for, three days after his Coronation he publicly attended Mass. In the course of a year many changes came. His first step was the abolition of the "Test Act," which enacted that no person could hold public office, without taking the oath of supremacy and allegiance.

 

Meanwhile the Irish Roman Catholics welcomed him with hopeful joy; they regarded him as a ruler who would secure fair treatment for them. James was ready to do this and even more. He saw in the Irish a useful weapon to subdue the English Protestants. James's intentions were to make England a Roman Catholic country, with financial aid from Romish France, and the manpower from Ireland.

After the abolition of the "Test Act" the position of the Irish R.C.s was completely reversed, and the government was now flooded with them. James also appointed Colonel Talbot as Lord Tyrconnell, a man who had devoted his energy trying to get more lands for the Roman Catholics.

Tyrconnell's diligence was thus rewarded, and he then appointed a Roman Catholic dominated council in Dublin. At the same time he reconstructed all town councils in such a way that Roman Catholics had the majority in every case, even in such Protestant towns as Londonderry. A strong R.C. army of 60,000 men was built up, while the Protestants watched with growing alarm

At the same time as Tyrconnell was making these advances in Ireland, James was pressing on with his plans in England. But so great was the anti-Romish feeling in England that the English were prepared to invite a foreigner to expel their King, rather than submit to Roman Catholicism.

In response to an appeal from the people of England, William of Orange accepted their invitation and on the 5th November 1688, he landed at Torbay in Devon. The Protestant Church leaders and nobles rallied to his banner. William, however, felt insecure and said, "It will be necessary to bind ourselves together as there is much to be accomplished: until that is done we will be as a rope of sand; whereas, if we affix our signatures to an association, we will consider ourselves bound together until victory is assured! Accordingly a declaration was drawn up by William's Chaplain, Dr. Gilbert Burnett, later Bishop of Salisbury. It read: "We whose names are hereunto subscribed, who have joined the Prince of Orange for the defence of the Protestant religion; and for the maintenance of the ancient government and laws and liberties of England; do engage to Almighty God, to His Highness the Prince and to one another, to stick firm to this cause in the defence of it, and never to depart from it till our reformed religion, laws and liberties are so far secured to us by a free parliament, that they shall be no more in danger of falling under Popery and Slavery! Thus sprang into existence the first Orange Association.

Its object was to maintain the civil and religious liberty of the people, which it did. It freed us from the bonds of Popery and merciless tyranny of a king who feared not God, neither cared for man. It declared the great principle that kings have no divine right and that if they act not justly they may be deposed. This confederation brought about one of the most glorious events in the history of our country, the revolution of 1688. It brought light out of darkness, and established our reformed faith on a firm foundation.

The revolution of 1688 is often referred to as "The Glorious Revolution," as there was no civil war, because James had no organised army. Betrayed by his servants and couriers James fled the country to France and William marched unhindered and unassailed to London where he and his wife, James's elder daughter, Mary, who was a Protestant, were crowned King and Queen early in 1689. Hence William had saved the Protestant cause in England without a blow, but it was in Ireland that the decisive battle for, perhaps, the survival of Protestantism in Europe, was fought.

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James regarded Ireland as a stepping stone for re-control of England and accordingly landed at Kinsale in March 1689. In the spring and summer of 1689, James appeared to have every prospect of gaining control of the whole of Ireland. Only in the north was any resistance forthcoming and the Protestants had retreated to Londonderry and Enniskillen. James had control of Tyrconnell's army and his ally Louis of France had control of the sea and could, if he wished, send him reinforcements.

 

The war in the north began with the heroic siege of Derry. The city had almost fallen into James's hands in December 1688, when the apprentices slammed and bolted the gates behind which 30,000 Protestants of every age were fortified. When the inhabitants rejected Colonel Lundy's desire for surrender, James left a French Commander to raise a siege in April, 1689, which lasted 105 days, until the brave captain of the Mountjoy rammed and broke the boom on the Foyle. James's army admitted defeat and withdrew southwards.

 

Internationally, Ireland was now most important. It was the key position in the contest between William's Protestant League and the Roman Catholic die-hard, Louis XIV. Should William fail in Ireland, the Waverers in England would declare for the R.C. House of Stuart, the R.C. clans in Scotland would be encouraged to make another attack and William would be unable to defend Holland against the French armies. That is why Louis sent officers, munitions and money to James and why William despatched his commander, the Duke of Schomberg, to Ulster in August of 1689. He landed at Groomsport, Co. Down, and marched round Belfast Lough to capture Carrickfergus and waged war throughout south Ulster as far as Dundalk before wintering at Lisburn. King William, Prince of Orange, as he now was, landed at Carrickfergus on the 14th June 1690, and joined forces with the Duke of Schomberg at Whitehouse on the way to Belfast.

 

Two great armies of mixed nationalities were now centred in Ireland. William at the head of the Protestant forces, drawn from Ireland, England, Holland, Germany, in fact every Protestant country was represented in his army: and James at the head of the R.C. army, composed mainly of Irish and French R.C.s.

 

In this great trial of strength James had three great advantages which should have decided the issue; viz., the support of the Irish R.C. nation, control of all Ireland except Ulster, and the support of Louis who had supplied him with expert officers and who had the supremacy of the sea during the years 1689-1690. James also had the services of experienced exiles who returned from fighting in the continental armies, but due to extremely bad general-ship he lost the decisive battle at the Boyne, on the 1st July 1690. James had a strong position overlooking the river, but he foolishly left a ford further up undefended and a regiment of William's army crossed here and attacked James's army on the left flank, as the main force attacked from the front. Schomberg was killed in this encounter but James's army was put to flight. James himself fled before the army to Dublin and hence to France. It is said an old lady met him entering Dublin and asking him how he fared, he replied, "my army turned and ran," to which she countered, "I see your Majesty has won the race." James's chief general, Patrick Sarsfield, is alleged to have said that he wished they could change kings and fight again.

 

After this important victory William returned to England and his army continued their campaign which concluded a year later in the west of Ireland. Ulster Protestants will, and should always honour the glorious, pious and immortal memory of this great and honourable king, whose family motto was "I will maintain." Each Protestant should be proud and honoured to wear this great king's colours who was really the founder of the Orange Association, giving us our civil and religious liberties.

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The Protestant monarchy was now firmly established in England, but religious bigotry still smouldered in Ireland during the next century. During the 1780s clashes between Protestant and R.C. gangs were becoming frequent. These gangs included such bodies as "The Defenders," and later "The Ribbonmen," who waged guerilla warfare against the "Peep O'Day Boys," and other Protestant protective organisations. This campaign of murder and pillage had as its object the expulsion of Protestants and Protestantism from the country. A climax to this state of affairs was reached in 1795, when in September a clash took place between Romanist and Protestant factions around one Dan Winter's cottage, at a place known as the Diamond, near Portadown, Co. Armagh. The Romanists were defeated by the minority, and the victorious loyalists-realising the need for better organisation and fearing a repetition of 1641 when 300,000 Protestants were cowardly slain in cold blood-decided to re-establish the Orange Institution in order to effectively counteract the activities of the Roman secret societies. Thus a meeting was held in James Sloan's house in nearby Loughgall to pledge themselves in mutual protection and in defence of Protestantism. The object of the Order was declared to be, "To aid and assist all loyal subjects, of every religious belief, by protecting them from violence and oppression."

 

This was the meeting of the first Orange Lodge but for various reasons, never quite clearly understood, it was the men from Dyan in Co. Tyrone who took out the first Orange warrant, said to be signed and sealed with human blood from the members. So although the Order was formed in Co. Armagh, it is Co. Tyrone which holds pride of place with No. 1 warrant.

 

For many years the Orange Order played a noble part in protecting and furthering Protestant interests in Ireland including the '98 rebellion and in 1800 when the "Act of Union" was signed. It is impossible here to trace the ups and downs of the Institution during the early 19th century but it will suffice to say that the Order, although banned from public parades, very quickly gained strength numerically. When Bro. William Johnston of Ballykilbeg, arranged an Orange procession on 12th July, 1867, in defiance of the "Procession Act, 1850," the prosecutor for the Crown estimated that there was a crowd of from 20,000 to 30,000 supporters in the park at Bangor. Bro. Johnston, commonly referred to as Johnston of Ballykilbeg, was found guilty at Downpatrick Assizes, and sentenced to one month's imprisonment, and to enter into bail to be of good behaviour for two years; or in default a further month's imprisonment. He chose the latter as a mark of protest. On his release great celebrations followed spontaneously all over the Protestant north. Great bonfires were lit all over the country, and the banned flutes and fifes were brought from their hiding and aired such well known tunes as "The Protestant Boys," "Dolly's Brae," "The Boyne Water," etc.

 

The following year, 1868 as an Independent, he opposed the Conservative candidate in South Belfast, and was elected with a convincing majority to Westminster, where he introduced a bill for the repeal of the "Party Procession Act." He finally succeeded in this in 1872.

 

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Unfortunately into the Order infiltrated men with selfish and political interests, to the detriment of the Orange and Protestant Cause. Soon the Order became the footstool for men with political ambitions and it deviated from its original principles of "aiding and assisting all loyal subjects, of all creeds, by protecting them from violence and oppression," and "the upholding of the Protestant faith."

 

Very soon a spirit of great discontent and dissatisfaction prevailed among the rank and file, at the manner in which the Orange Institution was being exploited by a political party. in the year 1902 this crisis came to a head when an Orange demonstration at Rostrevor was banned by the Unionist (Conservative) Government. When it became known that this action was taken after consultation with, and the approval of, some Orange leaders, the rank and file were in a state of revolt.

 

On the 12th July, 1902, the Belfast County demonstration took place in Castlereagh, (in the area now known as Orangefield) and notwithstanding a very inclement day, a much larger number of brethren than usual gathered round the platform. The unrest of the gathering was apparent from the beginning, and the opening speakers received a very poor hearing. Bro T H Sloan, Worshipful Master of St Michael's Total Abstinence lodge, and a prominent member of the Belfast Protestant Association, was recognised among the crowd and prevailed upon to mount the platform. After being granted permission to ask a question, Bro. Sloan asked the County Grand Master, Bro. Colonel Saunderson, MP, "Did you vote against the inspection of the Convent Laundries?" (The convent laundries were widely believed to be places of extreme hardship for those, including the very young, who worked in them). Bro. Saunderson replied, "Certainly not". Bro Sloan rejoined, "Then the press of Belfast must be liars." Then turning to the crowd, he appealed to them to give the remaining speakers a fair hearing and left the platform.

 

On the 17th July 1902, the sudden and much lamented death of Bro.William Johnston of Ballykilbeg took place, thus causing a vacancy in South Belfast parliamentary constituency. Bro. Sloan was nominated by the Belfast Protestant Association, as an independent Conservative or Unionist while Mr. Dunbar-Buller was selected by the Belfast Conservative or Unionist Association. Mr Dunbar Buller was not an Orangeman. The contest was exciting, during the course of which, many Orange lodges passed resolutions in support of the candidates, the great majority of which were for Bro. Sloan. The County Grand Lodge of Belfast gave its support to Mr Dunbar-Buller. The result was that Bro Sloan was returned to Westminster with a majority of 800 votes, thus emulating the feat of his predecessor, Johnston of Ballykilbeg.

 

Smarting from this defeat and in consequence of the Castlereagh incident on the Twelfth, the political leaders decided that some action would have to be taken. Soon after, Bro Sloan was summoned to appear before the County Grand Lodge of Belfast on a charge of conduct unbecoming an Orangeman in that he interrupted the proceedings on the platform on the Twelfth of July. On finding that this charge would not stick, it was later altered to on of insulting the Grand Master, the Rgt Hon Colonel Saunderson MP.

 

Bro. Sloan appeared before the County Grand Lodge, and although he had a copy of Hansard which proved the point he made at Castlereagh, he was suspended for two years. Three private lodges, LOL's 700, 731 and 1026 had their warrants withdrawn and a number of other brethren were suspended for supporting Bro. Sloan. Upon Bro. Sloan's appeal to the Grand Lodge of Ireland, he was asked why he had not asked the question about the convent laundries at the meeting of the Belfast County Grand Lodge. His reply was that he had been ruled out of order in his District Lodge. This ruling was from his District Master who was also Deputy County Grand Master and would have been presiding at the County Grand Lodge meeting, in the absence of the County Grand Master. Bro Sloan assumed that the same answer would have been given. The Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland dismissed his appeal, and even some of his opponents were heard to say that the proceedings were a gross travesty of justice and a disgrace to the Orange Institution.

 

The manner in which the suspensions took place heaped more fuel unto the smouldering fire of discontent, with the result that a well attended meeting of Orangemen was held on "the plains" (within today's Botanic Gardens) on 11th June 1903. One of the speakers on that occasion was Bro James H Mateer, who was subsequently the first County Grand Master of Belfast for the Independent Loyal Orange Institution. He summed up the feeling of the meeting with the following words, " We as loyal Orangemen assembled who have either been suspended or expelled for offences which are neither against our Orange principles or Laws, cannot be denied the right to meet together in the name of him whose colours we wear." The logical alternative was to form the Independent Loyal Orange Institution.

 

Up until the formation of the new Institution the County Antrim brethren had taken no active part in the dispute in Belfast, although the Ballymoney District Lodge had passed resolutions condemning the County Grand Lodge of Belfast for suspending Bro. Sloan for two years.

 

The first public demonstration of the new Order took place at Knock on 12th July 1903 and was attended by over 2000 Orangemen. Among the speakers on the platform was Bro. Rev. DD Boyle of St James Presbyterian Church in Ballymoney. His only act that day was to offer up prayer to Almighty God. For this act he was expelled by the County Grand Lodge of Antrim on the charge that he had attended and read a prayer at a meeting of Orangemen, the meeting not having the sanction of the Grand Lodge of Belfast. Therefore, it was argued, he was guilty of conduct unbecoming an Orangeman.

 

This action climaxed the feeling of unrest in the Order in County Antrim. It brought to light the unconstitutional actions of the leaders in expelling a Protestant minister for praying before an audience composed of Protestants. What Protestant or Orange principle had he violated? How was the cause of civil and religious liberty being furthered?

 

The Worshipful Master of Ballymoney District Lodge, acting under the instruction of the brethren, handed in their warrants as a protest against the actions of the County. This action was followed by similar handing in of warrants in Rasharkin, Ballycastle and Portglenone. thus the new movement came to County Antrim.

 

On 12th February 1904 the first County Grand Lodge meeting of the Independent County Grand Lodge of Antrim was held in Ballymoney. On the Twelfth of that year the first Independent Demonstration in county Antrim was held, again in Ballymoney, and was attended by 31 lodges and bands.

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The Formation on the Independent Order met with great resistance from the moneyed classes who controlled the Orange Order and, as they were often employers, they could, and did put pressure on those who joined the new organisation. For example, all the Independent Orangemen who work in Balnamore Mill near Ballymoney were threatened with dismissal if they stayed in the Independent Loyal Orange Institution.

 

Independent property and individual members were attacked and in 1912 Bro Sloan's house was attacked while he was ill in bed suffering from a blood clot on the brain. It took great courage to be an Independent Orangeman in those days. Nevertheless the Order grew and by 1906 it had 68 lodges in Ireland, with outlying lodges in the USA and in England.

 

At the Grand Lodge Meeting of June 1905 a number of senior brethren were asked to "have a manifesto drawn up and published at once with a constructive policy for the Institution." This is the first mention of what became known as the Magheramourne Manifesto, so called because it was introduced at the Independent demonstration held at Magheramourne, near Larne in Co.Antrim on 13 July 1905. It was largely the work of Lindsay Crawford and has been the subject of much misinformed comment, invariably on the basis of quotes taken out of context.

 

Our critics conveniently forget, for example that at the time of writing Ireland had not been partitioned and was in its entirety part of the United Kingdom. Moreover the also ignore the fact that as a largely working class movement the Independent Institution would oppose Tory policies promoted by the party then known as the Unionist Party and later to become the British Conservative Party.

 

For example E.W. Smyth in his book "Heigh-Ho! The Lily O!" he says:

 

"The Independent Order held its own demonstrations and indeed at Magheramourne in 1905 it condemned Unionism and seemed to favour a stance of Home Rule. The Independents had for a while a brief alliance with the Labour Party and with the Ancient Order of Hibernians. Let us offer the right hand of fellowship to our countrymen was on of its principles at that time."

 

John Gray similarly writes in "City in Revolt" that "the manifesto call for a reassessment by Protestants of their position was not made dependent on their adoption of secular attitudes by Catholics, although the latter development was seen as highly desirable."

 

Faced with such comments and criticisms it would perhaps be a good idea to look at what the manifesto really did say.

 

The manifesto, some 3000 words long, starts by reminding the readers that the Battle of the Boyne was a victory over totalitarianism, and laid the foundations of democracy in Britain, America and France. It quoted a Roman Catholic historian to prove the point. Towards the end of this section there is the oft quoted paragraph: " We stand once more on the banks of the Boyne not as victors in the fight, nor to applaud the noble deeds of our ancestors, but to bridge the gulf that has long divided Ireland into camps, and to hold out the right hand of fellowship to those who, while worshipping at different shrines, are yet our countrymen ... and to co-operate with all those who put Ireland first in their affections."

 

The basis for such co-operation was set out in the following sections of the manifesto.

 

The next section expands on the preceding one, and sets out how the Roman Catholic Church has intervened in Irish affairs, and used Irish Nationalism to further her own ends.

 

The following section is critical of the Roman Catholic Church (and Protestant Churches too) on the field of education. It says: "The system of education in Ireland... is a disgrace to British statesmanship. Under it we have National Schools supported by the state and yet not controlled by the state; the teacher paid by the state ... and yet not the servant of the state, but of an irresponsible manager." Instead of church control the manifesto called for the democratic alternative of County Council control.

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The First Orange Association - Part 1

King William III Prince Of Orange

PROTESTANTISM, NOT POLITICS.                     PRINCIPLES, NOT PARTY.                            MEASURES, NOT MEN.

Praise ye the LORD. Praise God in his sanctuary: praise him in the firmament of his power. -

Psalms 150;1

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